Discussing Contemporary Racial Justice
in Academic Spaces: Minimizing Epistemic
Exploitation While Neutralizing White
Fragility
Adele Norris
Contents
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Emotional Discomfort and Discussions of Racism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Impediments to Beneficial Racial Dialogue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Situating my Social Location and Teaching Introduction to Sociology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
White Fragility and White Guilt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Logic of Diversity in an Increasingly Multiracial Society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
Colorblindness and the Possibility for Social Change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Epistemic Exploitation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Abstract
In light of contemporary racial justice issues in the United States, the academic
classroom can be a precarious environment to engage in intellectually humble
dialogue on racial injustice. This article expands upon the concept of epistemic
exploitation raised in Nora Berenstain’s 2016 article, which explains the exploitative and emotionally taxing burden marginalized persons feel when compelled
to educate privileged persons about their unearned privilege and the nature of
marginalized person’s oppression. I argue that epistemic exploitation is more
likely to occur in academic classrooms if white guilt and fragility are not
acknowledged and neutralized. My assertion is based on the premise that as racial
justice conversations increasingly occur, the need to satisfy white fragility
exceeds the need to engage in healthy discussions on racism and white supremacy. Race is, therefore, deemphasized and other social status markers (e.g., gender,
class, age, sexuality orientation) are overly emphasized or are used as proxies
A. Norris (*)
School of Social Sciences, Sociology and Sociology Program, The University of Waikato,
Hamilton, New Zealand
e-mail: adele.norris@waikato.ac.nz
© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2019
S. Ratuva (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Ethnicity,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-0242-8_162-1
1
2
A. Norris
for race. In such cases, colonizing narratives of groups racialized as non-white
are perpetuated via colorblind explanations about social problems.
Keywords
Epistemic exploitation · Racial justice · Diversity ideology · Colorblind
ideology · White fragility/guilt
Introduction
In 1963, a racially contentious time in the United States, James Baldwin published
the essay A Talk to Teachers. During this time, racism, social inequalities, and
stratification were severe and profound (Smith 2017). Given the 2017 neo-Nazi
march across the University of Virginia campus and the ongoing gross police
brutality against blacks – which spurred a national movement – we are, again, living
in a contentious time. The message Baldwin (1963) delivered to educators in
his essay is just as relevant today when he says that educators should not make
peace with the conspiracies designed to destroy us but rather assume the obligation
to teach students to examine society critically and truthfully. In Clint Smith’s (2017)
reflection on Baldwin’s essay, Smith implores educators not to fall victim to wanting
to create an apolitical space in the classroom. “The very decision to not discuss
certain things in your classroom” he says, “is in and of itself, a political decision,”
especially when students’ lives are impacted by political decisions every single
day (Smith 2017, 3).
It is well documented that explicit and implicit social status markers
(race/ethnicity, gender, social class, ability status, and sexual orientation) contribute
to barriers that prevent people from engaging in open-minded, intellectually humble
dialogue that stimulates a critical consciousness and engagement with the world
(Berenstain 2016; Collins 2013; Lorde 1995; Nadan and Stark 2016; Smith 2017).
My view, which serves as a pivotal aspect of this discussion, is that social status
markers are more important in determining whether one accepts a particular position
than is the content of the position itself. I posit that social cues, specifically related
to race/ethnicity, trigger implicit biases and are more likely to drive academic
discussions of injustices experienced by members of structurally disadvantaged
racial groups than the need to unlearn colonizing narratives that are regurgitated
within the classroom. For example, Katie Reilly’s (2016) Time article, How Guns on
Campus Could Change What Texas Teaches, draws attention to how gun
laws influenced the removal of controversial content from university classrooms.
In the wake of the campus-carry law, which allows Texans with concealed handguns
license to carry guns on public university campuses, university professors were
urged to consider changing their curricula to avoid controversial subjects (Reilly
2016).
Scholars have noted a new trend among racially conscious white individuals, on
the one hand, ostensibly advocating for racial inclusion and challenge colorblind
ideology, while, on the other hand, maintain white supremacy (Bell and Hartmann
Discussing Contemporary Racial Justice in Academic Spaces: Minimizing. . .
3
2007; Smith and Mayorga-Gallo 2017). With an increasingly multiracial society that
seemingly celebrates efforts of diversity and inclusion, groups racialized as
non-white often bear the burden to still prove their oppression (Berenstain 2016)
while whiteness remains unquestioned (Smith and Mayorga-Gallo 2017). Berenstain
(2016) refers to this process as epistemic exploitation. In an increasingly raceconscious society, expanding our understanding of epistemic exploitation is an
important step if we are to advance academic discussions of racism and racial
justice. This paper argues, however, that as a part of deconstructing epistemic
exploitation, careful and sustained attention must be used to identify the ways
in which “white fragility” and “white guilt” are mobilized to establish a moral
equivalence between all racial groups. Effectively a form of “White protectionism,”
as Charles Mills (1998) calls it, white people’s claims of emotional injury and
victimhood, fueled by the discourses of diversity and colorblind ideology, amplifies
the epistemic exploitation of oppressed groups who are called upon to protect the
white ego from reflective engagement with unearned privilege.
Emotional Discomfort and Discussions of Racism
I begin this discussion by first defining epistemic exploitation set forth by Nora
Berenstain (2016). Epistemic exploitation occurs when individuals from
racially/ethnically subjugated groups are called upon to educate individuals from
racially privileged groups on their oppression and to prove that the systems of power
that work to oppress them exist (Berenstain 2016). I argue that in order to avoid or
limit epistemic exploitation, white guilt and fragility must be accounted for
and neutralized. This will be challenging. My claim is grounded in the reality
that contemporary racism arises in complex forms where diversity claims are in
fact promoted by white individuals. However, many people hold subconscious or
unarticulated racist beliefs, often without having considered that these beliefs are
racist (such as, for example, the claim that the problem is solely social class based,
rather than the possibility of racism). These forms call for innovative pedagogical
strategies that examine the underlying beliefs that operate to reject or constrain one’s
understanding of institutional and structural racist practices. Essential to this complexity is the widespread belief that society has achieved racial equality. Those who
are consistently told that racism is a problem of the past, will have some reason to
cease to look for it as an explanation of behaviors and practices in the present. It is
not surprising that students would grapple with examining features of modern-day
racism, especially when many of them have grown up in a world where words such
as diversity and multicultural are freely embraced and dominate mainstream discourses (Alexander 2012; Collin 2013; Davis 1996; Mohanty 2004; Norris 2017;
Pitcher 2011; Smith and Mayorga-Gallo 2017; St. Clair and Kishimoto 2010). The
problem arises when this discomfort is ignored and goes unexamined. Failing to
examine the causes of our modern discomfort, both to talk and to hear about race and
racism, stops us from understanding the extent to which it influences and impedes
discussions of racism and racial justice.
4
A. Norris
There is a growing scholarship on the emotional discomfort stimulated by
discussing the nature of racism and racist stereotypes (Boler 1999; Burke 2017;
Collins 2013; Ladner 1971; Nadan and Stark 2016; Zajicek 2002). Developing
pedagogical strategies that equip students to reflect upon their personal biases is
far from new and crosses disciplinary boundaries (Collins 2013; Cooper 2008; Boler
1999; Murphy-Erby et al. 2009; Nadan and Stark 2016). It is imperative students are
equipped to engage in healthy discussions of racism, especially as social inequalities
deepen and, through corporate media penetration, we are aware that the world is
culturally diverse (Nadan and Stark 2016). Taking the stark reality that social
inequality is both ubiquitous and is becoming worse as my point of departure, I
now move to explicate its implications for the politics of embodied knowledge and
emotional labor involved in respecting race-talk in the classroom.
The remainder of the chapter is organized into two parts. First, I situate this
discussion in the philosophical context of epistemic exploitation. The extent that
academic classrooms can effectively challenge racial hierarchies rather than replicate
them rests upon the extent that such spaces can minimize epistemic exploitation
while neutralizing white guilt and fragility. In doing so, the theoretical insights
presented are supported by my personal experiences as a transnational educator
who has taught Introduction to Sociology in two predominately white countries.
Thus, this work poses theoretical arguments. Second and relatedly, I review three
overlapping themes identified in the literature that often dominate formal classroom
settings: (1) white guilt and white fragility, (2) diversity ideology, and (3) colorblind
ideology. Each of these are core features inherent to the ubiquity of whiteness that
dominate formal settings, which in turn influences the type of scholarly material
utilized in classes, how it is delivered, and possibilities for how it is understood.
Impediments to Beneficial Racial Dialogue
Trayvon Martin, Michael Brown, Eric Garner, Sandra Bland, Walter Scott, Philando
Castile, Alton Sterling, Terence Crutcher, and Jordan Edwards are only a few names
embedded in the United States discourse on racism and police brutality.
The untimely deaths of these African Americans coupled with the mass incarceration
of black and brown people launched the widely known social justice movement,
Black Lives Matter. Such dismal events are evidence of a growing twenty-first
century racial justice problem with centuries old roots. Yet, contemporary understandings of the enormity of racial injustices lag considerably behind the urgency to
achieve racial justice. The fight for racial equity has spurred a plethora of discussions; however, these discussions are too often tempered by the need to assuage
white discomfort. That is, while communities, activists, and public figures alike are
now willing to strongly criticize particular instances of violence against African
Americans, fewer are as yet willing to analyze the structural and social features
of institutions such as the police. Presumably this “hierarchy of credibility”
is determined by the overdetermined ideological conception that police are
“protectors” and neutral arbiters of conflict resolution.
Discussing Contemporary Racial Justice in Academic Spaces: Minimizing. . .
5
Situating my Social Location and Teaching Introduction to Sociology
As a heterosexual Black woman from rural Mississippi who has taught Introduction
to Sociology and other sociology and women studies courses in two predominately
white countries, speaking about racism comes fairly naturally. This ease comes in
part because of my daily experiences, and I rely heavily on my experiences growing
up in the Deep South during the 1980s. I inform my class of my earliest memories of
having to learn about racism. Only a minority of students can relate to experiences of
racism coupled with having to understand it at the age of five or six, especially
during a time many students perceive as post-Civil Rights and therefore post-racial.
But most of my comfort comes from having had to engage in hostile environments
towards blacks and having hostile teachers most of my life. Such experiences bring
with it an understanding and/or expectancy of white hostility and discomfort with
discussions of race/racism. However, despite my comfort with delivering material on
race/racism, most of my students do not share the same level of comfort hearing or
learning about racism.
As with any topic, I am aware of students’ engagement and receptiveness. While
comfort levels for different topics vary across classrooms and geographic regions,
I have recognized that with discussions of race/racism/white supremacy, there is a
consistent hostility and discomfort that are more pronounced, which often manifest
visibly (e.g., defensive body language, awkwardness) and verbally (e.g., types of
questions posed, defensive comments and tone of voice). Albeit unknowingly, these
responses work in tandem to gain control of the space and to direct the discussion to
more palatable takes on racism or to complete dismissal. These types of responses
are powerful and are also evidence that there is an acute lack of understanding
of racial injustice and white supremacy despite the plethora of diversity and multicultural initiatives. I use this discomfort as evidence a problem exist, and then pose
the question: How can we dismantle a system that we cannot discuss? While I do
not gain everyone’s attention, I do get enough students involved to counter classroom discomfort and get the class to a place for those who want to learn will gain
some insights and confidence to challenge their peers.
White Fragility and White Guilt
Discomfort arises somewhere between acknowledgement of the problem and criticism of those enacting racism. In discussions of race in formal settings, like
academic classrooms, emotional discomfort is often elevated to higher levels of
importance than difficult and complicated substantive discussions of racism that
are beneficial and productive. The concept of “safe space” is mobilized by whiteness
to protect the biases and insecurities of white students, teaching assistants and even
professors. Robin DiAngelo’s (2011), ground breaking work on white fragility,
regards theses dynamics as a function of whiteness. Consider the lengths public
figures feel they must go to separate their criticism of particular police officers
from any perceived criticism of the police as an institution, when speaking out
6
A. Norris
against atrocities. This is the “bad apple” versus the “bad barrel” polemic, as if
the two cannot exist simultaneously. The idea that police forces are institutionally
racist cannot be broached without causing public discussion to veer away from the
issues at hand, to a discussion about what criticisms can and should be uttered
publicly. In this way “political correctness” is a slur projected at those seeking to
legitimate alternative and oppositional narratives, whereas it is in reality discursive
strategies that seek to constrain radical analysis that are politically correct.
Robin DiAngelo (2011) defines whiteness as including three fundamentals:
(1) a location of structural advantage and race privilege; (2) a standpoint for which
white people look at themselves, at others, and at society; and (3) a set of cultural
practices that are usually tied to “othering” of non-white people. Goodman (2011)
argues that the limited examination of whiteness is a societal cost connected to the
predominant way history is told. Since history is told from the perspective of the
dominant group that emphasizes and embellishes the accomplishments of this group,
readers receive a partial and distorted view of the past (Baldwin 1963; Collins 2013;
Goodman 2011). Poor exposure to an inclusive history, also a function of white
supremacy (Baldwin 1963; Woodson 1933), limits and skews the views of
different lifestyles, perspectives, and people (Goodman 2011). Consequently, a
“whiteness conditioning” develops and impedes the critical interrogation of whiteness and privilege, especially by white students (Goodman 2011; Loewen 2007).
Loewen (2007) identifies this issue as the primary reason white students, in particular, leave high school with weak to nonexisting foundations upon which to encounter knowledge about race and social inequalities. If the material is all/primarily
told from a particular perspective, discussions will fail to make students leave the
classroom thinking critically, which also speaks to the structural inequalities
rooted in “diversity” initiatives. Meaning, the structural inequalities in society are
maintained by the standard choices of educators regarding subject matter, such
that even in classrooms with a diverse range of students from diverse backgrounds,
the students do not develop critical approaches to knowledge.
Luft (2009) argues that it is important to first consider the logic of the system for
which one plans to impart information or facilitate discussion. This process requires
understanding varying levels of power in the classroom setting (Collins 2013).
For example, DiAngelo (2011) argues that college courses designed to meet multicultural educational requirements rarely challenge the racial understanding of
white students much less address white privilege and white supremacy. Instead the
norm is to deliver information using racially coded language such as “urban,” “inner
city,” or “disadvantaged” but rarely “white,” “over-advantaged,” or “privileged”
(DiAngelo 2011, 55). Content designed to teach cultural competency that does not
directly address racism inherently caters to the comfort of white students via the use
of palatable language. Researchers note that in educational programs/courses
that comprehensively tackle racism and the privileging of whites, a common
response among white students is anger, withdrawal, emotional incapacitation,
argumentation, and guilt (DiAngelo 2011; Smith and Mayorga-Gallo 2017;
Spanierman et al. 2005). DiAngelo locates these reactions within the broader
frame of white fragility.
Discussing Contemporary Racial Justice in Academic Spaces: Minimizing. . .
7
Advanced by Robin DiAngelo (2011), white fragility describes the condition
when white people regard racial stress, even minimal, as intolerable. Widespread
protection received by white people in social environments in North America
insulates them to the point that their expectations for racial comfort are taken-forgranted as a right. Thus, white fragility evokes defensive reactions which
include outward demonstrations of emotions (anger, fear, and guilt) and conduct
(argumentation, silence, and leaving the stress-inducing situation), which all
function to reinstate white racial equilibrium (DiAngelo 2011). In the broadest
terms, white fragility, originates from the failure to understand and interrogate
whiteness (DiAngelo 2011).
Critical race scholars focusing on whiteness pedagogy explain this discomfort as
part of the complexity of white identity wherein guilt and fragility are often
present but rarely confronted (DiAngelo 2011; Yeung et al. 2013). White guilt, as
a domain of white identity (Lydacker et al. 2014) is a cognitive reaction of collective
and individual awareness of unearned privileges and racism (Iyer et al. 2003; Swim
and Miller 1999). Refusal to support ameliorative racial equity policies, cast in the
context of white protectionism as unearned and unfair, amplifies white guilt,
manifested as fragility, which in turn articulates itself through white projection
onto the other. Conceptually, white guilt is a culturally and context-bound expression
of guilt more generally: an emotion that combines self-deprecation and shame.
Because white guilt is a consequence of systemic oppression and racism, its distinction lies in the process of reflecting on negative events and attributing blame about
racial injustice to individuals and not a system of policies, institutions, and cultural
norms (Lydacker et al. 2014).
Studies of white guilt are diverse, ranging from understanding the emotional
influence on eating disorders, attitudes towards affirmative action, and pedagogical
strategies (see, e.g., Iyer et al. 2003; Swim and Miller 1999; Goodman 2011).
These studies highlight the value of understanding the benefits and limitations of
group-based guilt (white guilt). Largely due to the unmarked but ever present nature
of whiteness, white guilt receives little attention in racial and social justice discourses (DiAngelo 2011; Gans 2007; Goodman 2011; Todd and Abrams 2011;
Zajicek 2002). Even when white guilt emerges in discussions of racism, some
scholars question its effectiveness to bring about social change (Kirabo 2015;
Younge 2015).
For example, in the debates surrounding the culture of racism in the United States
after the 2015 Charleston church shooting, some have spoken of white guilt as an
impediment to social change. Kirabo (2015) argues that an emotional response such
as white guilt does not translate to an authentic understanding of contemporary
racism and its structural formation. Thus, it is not an effective tool to combat social
inequality and address prevalent racial injustices (Kirabo 2015; Younge 2015).
The problem with white guilt, according to Kirabo (2015), is that it attempts to
diminish the focus aimed at issues integral to marginalized groups and redirect
attention to a wasteful plan of apologetics and ineffective assessments.
Since white guilt and fragility are unavoidable, it is important to discuss these
modus operandi as integral components with the power to influence and obstruct
8
A. Norris
valuable discussions on racial justice issues. Thus, a thoughtful understanding of
white guilt and white fragility is required. Given the intensity and power of the
emotional responses attached to discussions of racism, I argue that having a firm
grasp of white fragility/guilt is as important as the content delivered. Individuals who
do not learn to process these emotions in a healthy manner are less equipped to
properly engage in and process discussions of racism. Moreover, engaging in
discussions that facilitate deeper insights into structural processes that engender
racial inequalities, is thwarted by the power of white discomfort, which potentially
shifts the learning environment into a space where racially marginalized students’
experiences would have to be defended or they are called upon to prove how racism
is different from any other type of oppression or suffering. This is particularly
problematic given that students must learn to thoughtfully navigate the contemporary highly racially charged sociopolitical climate and rhetoric that coexists with the
widespread belief in a diverse and a colorblind society.
Logic of Diversity in an Increasingly Multiracial Society
As stated earlier, it is important to understand contemporary features of racism
wherein words such as diversity and inclusion are commonplace and embraced by
broader society. Yet, as Smith and Mayorga-Gallo (2017) maintain, diversity ideology is embedded within neoliberal logic. Meaning that neoliberalism is a “governing
agenda that included the increased privatisation of government programs and institutions like public schools or even prisons,” and it “also involves an intensifying
rhetoric that is grounded in the belief that markets, in and of themselves, are better
able than governments to produce, in particular, economic outcomes that are fair,
sensible, and good for all” (Cohen 2010, as cited in Smith and Mayorga-Gallo 2017,
897). Smith and Mayorga-Gallo (2017) define diversity ideology as a way whites
maintain dominance even in multiracial spaces. It is similar to colorblind racism but
differs in that it centers an appreciation and lauding of racial differences. It essentially highlights race to “achieve” colorblindness.
Smith and Mayorga-Gallo’s 2017 study analyses the responses of 43 face-to-face
interviews with white Millennials in an attempt to understand how whites continue
to maintain power, economic apartheid, in a society that is becoming increasingly
multiracial. The authors found that educated white Millennials, in fact, adhere to
and use diversity ideology to navigate contemporary racial issues. The study found
that diversity ideology helped whites move between valuing diversity and
maintaining a lack of support for policies that would bring those values to fruition.
In such cases, “otherness,” as it pertains to non-white people, became commodified.
In this case, diversity was viewed or used as a good to be consumed by whites to
fulfill an individual desire or to market themselves as more attractive in the marketplace (Smith and Mayorga-Gallo 2017). The authors found that diversity for most
of their white respondents was defined as symbolic representation that may or
may not have included racial diversity, with no thought of the ongoing structural
impact of various individuals’ life chances.
Discussing Contemporary Racial Justice in Academic Spaces: Minimizing. . .
9
Smith and Mayorga-Gallo (2017) findings provide insight into the gap between
diversity ideology and having solid understanding of existing power relations and
racial hierarchies. Within the context of diversity ideology, St. Clair and Kishimoto
(2010) argue that diversity initiatives can prevent fruitful implementation of college
and university course content covering race and ethnic groups/studies in ways that
thwarts understanding the white supremacist system that continues to produce racial
hierarchies. The integration of race into college settings in the 1960s and 1970s
brought about specific challenges to teaching about race (St. Clair and Kishimoto
2010) and to decolonizing school curricula (Cooper 2012; Smith 2012). With the
emergence of diversity and multiculturalism in the 1980s, these challenges became
more arduous in response to the demand to accommodate multiculturalism in an
increasingly privatized and corporatized society (Mohanty 2004; Smith and
Mayorga-Gallo 2017; St. Clair and Kishimoto 2010). Ethnicity/race-related courses
or topics runs the risk of being compartmentalized in college curricula and are often
co-opted and transformed as diversity and multiculturalism requisites that in turn
dodge challenging issues including White privilege, institutional racism, social
position and oppression (Deckert 2014; Kitossa 2012; St. Clair and Kishimoto
2010).
Colorblindness and the Possibility for Social Change
An extensive scholarship exists that expounds upon the workings and the negative
implications of colorblindness as well as the recent call to move beyond its
early articulation (see, e.g., Alexander 2012; Burke 2017; Bonillia-Silva 2006;
Burke 2017; Collins 2006, 2013; Robertson 2015; Smith and Mayorga-Gallo
2017; Vargas 2014). Colorblind discourse hides white privilege behind the mask
of meritocracy which renders institutional arrangements that perpetuate racial
inequality invisible (Alexander 2012; Bonillia-Silva 2006; Burke 2014/2017; Vargas
2014). Eduardo Bonilla-Silva’s (2006), now, classic work examines how colorblind
ideology preserves white supremacy. He argues that while not all whites adhere to
white supremacy, a majority do in a casual, uncritical fashion, which works to
sustain the prevailing racial order. For example, Vargas (2014), in his study of the
relationship between racial contestation and colorblind adherence, found that
contested whites, individuals who identify racially as white but are perceived by
others as non-white, express similar or amplified notions of colorblindness as their
non-contested white counterparts. His study suggests that because contested whites
find themselves at the margins of whiteness they often seek to legitimate their group
membership as white by adhering to colorblindness. Since race and racisms are
believed to be inconsequential in a supposedly post-racial society, adherents to
colorblindness believe the best way to get past racism is to simply stop talking
about race. Those who embrace colorblindness believe that talking about race
perpetuates the belief that there is a race problem (Bonilla-Silva 2006; Burke
2017; Collins 2013; Vargas 2014). Of course, we should believe there is a race
10
A. Norris
problem. As evidenced by the gross racism and social inequalities in the United
States, which clearly indicates that the country is not a post-racial paradise.
For example, Sarah Maddison (2011) examination of the challenges between
black and white relations in Australia revealed that discussions of race/racism are
avoided in efforts to circumvent or deny guilt. Yet, such attempts do not erase the
existence of racism or guilt. Therefore, Maddison (2011) argues that considerable
attention should be devoted to understanding collective guilt and its potential to
facilitate meaningful social change (Maddison 2011). For example, investigations of
the dimensions of white guilt revealed that it is important to distinguish healthy
white guilt from unhealthy white guilt, stating that the former leads to change and
transformation while the latter leads to paralysis and inaction (DiAngelo 2011;
Maddison 2011; Spanierman et al. 2005). When the focus or concern is on how
one feels (as a white person) about the issue of race and racism (inward focused), the
guilt is deemed unhealthy thereby inhibiting progressive actions towards social
justice. Even if one is motivated by white guilt to take a particular action, unhealthy
guilt leads to white saviorism wherein white superiority stance/belief remains
unquestioned and intact (Finnegan 2013). For example, Amy C. Finnegan (2013)
examined young white-middle class North American female attraction to the Kony
2012 political movement, which sought the capture of the leader, Joseph Kony, of
the Lord’s Resistance Army in Eastern and Central Africa. In her article, The White
Girl’s Burden, she interviewed young white evangelical women participating in the
Invisible Children organization. Her study found that many of the young girls/
women, ages 14–24, had very little to no knowledge of the history of the African
countries affected and the social forces creating the harsh realities, especially the
United States’ role in constructing the structural violence in that part of the world.
Participation in the movement was described as sexy and a mark of individuality.
Most of the participants expressed that belonging to something bigger than themselves evoked feelings of specialness. Finnegan (2013, 33) called attention to the
remoteness of the conflict as an important source of attraction.
The remoteness of the conflict facilitates an easy, noncontentious form of activism that does
not threaten the students’ futures. By inspiring them to think beyond themselves, to set bold
goals, and to be creative in their efforts to raise awareness and funds for children in eastern
and central Africa, the organization offers opportunities for young Americans to feel that
their contributions are truly unique and noteworthy. Ultimately, however, Invisible Children
also promotes policies that are highly controversial; its state-centric orientation seeks to
eliminate the LRA through U.S.-supported military intervention carried out by the
Ugandan army.
Finnegan’s (2013) study found that the actions taken contributed very little to
mitigating the structural violence in the affected areas in central Africa but, instead,
perpetuated the exoticization of the other and reinforced a white superiority position.
Actions (e.g., fundraising, rallies, and visits) were taken with very little examination
of whiteness/privilege.
I found the enthusiasm to come to the aid of the exotic other is pervasive among
many sociology students. However, students’ enthusiasm tends to wane when asked
Discussing Contemporary Racial Justice in Academic Spaces: Minimizing. . .
11
to identify the social forces in their own communities, states, and countries that have
contributed to unequal experiences of citizenship today. Thus, unhealthy guilt does
not seek to understand whiteness and examine contemporary ways white supremacy
is exercised and benefits white individuals. Whereas healthier responses to guilt
use guilty feelings to understand the sources and outcomes of the injustices in a
racist system (outward focused) (Maddison 2011). Actions are then directed to
oppose racism and racist/discriminatory policies/practices rather than adopting an
“apolitical” stance or becoming ambivalent. Maddison (2011) argues that the personal nature of guilt, when collective, can be a powerful political tool, specifically
as a driver of transformative change, if guilt is recognized and processed in ways
that are healthy.
Epistemic Exploitation
Like white guilt, epistemic exploitation is also physically and emotionally draining,
but it lacks the comforts of privilege for which to retreat. Black feminist scholars
across different genres have spoken for years about this type of exploitation as an
extension of oppression (see, e.g., Cooper 2015; Dotson 2011, 2014; Morrison
1975). Characterized by unrecognized, uncompensated, emotionally taxing, coerced
epistemic labor, epistemic exploitation maintains structures of oppression by making
the needs and desires of dominant groups central to the interactions all people have
in society (Berenstain 2016; Dotson 2014). Formal settings, such as the classroom,
can be prime locations where emotional and cognitive labor is exploited. Instead of
being an intellectual space used to tackle racism and equip students to reflect and
become active participants in creating a just society, formal spaces can be
disempowering for individuals from structurally disadvantaged groups. This occurs
because individuals within these structurally disadvantaged groups are tacitly
(or even explicitly) expected to be the ones who take on the burden of explaining
how and why disadvantage has accrued, and the burden of arguing for changes
that will ameliorate this burden both for currently existing persons and for future
persons (Berenstain 2016). Meanwhile, those who benefit from the status quo are
not expected to shoulder this burden.
Conclusion
This paper argues that white guilt and fragility are almost always present, albeit in
diverse forms depending on the country in question. It argues that colorblind and
diversity ideologies are intricately linked to white fragility/guilt as some type of
colorblind stance is likely a strategy deployed to minimize charges of racism. Burke
(2017) argues for the need to more deeply examine the mechanisms of contemporary
colorblind racism. Because racial dynamics evolve and shift over time and space, so
too will the ideologies and discourses that surround them (Burke 2017). Enhancing
12
A. Norris
our understanding of how white fragility and guilt influence discussions of race/
racism is paramount if we are to engage in fruitful discussion of racial justice.
From this basis, I argue that diversity ideology caters to white fragility and guilt in
specific ways. The massive appeal to be a part of something that is supposedly
inclusive and celebrates differences, but never interrogates whiteness and white
supremacy, has worked to strengthen white supremacy, which undergirds unequal
life chances and experiences of citizenship. Academic classrooms should be the
space where critical thinking about race/racism occurs. If white fragility/guilt is not
accounted for and neutralized, academic spaces cannot equip students with the
correct knowledge to bring about racial justices. Moreover, even those spaces
created to discuss and implement diversity needs becomes another space to placate
white guilt and therefore reproduce the same outcomes in the absence of a so-called
diversity program. Diversity, in this neo-liberal era, inadvertently caters to the
demands of white comfort and individuals racialized as non-white are again called
upon to justify their claims and explain what makes racial oppression different from
other social ailings experienced by racially advantaged groups such as disability,
sexuality, or social class. If change is to occur, white fragility and guilt must
be recognized as a prevailing feature preventing critical discussions of racial
injustice.
References
Alexander M (2012) The new jim Crow: Mass incarceration in the age of colorblindness,
revised edn. New Press, New York
Baldwin J (1963) A talk to teacher. The Saturday Review, December 21
Bell JM, Hartmann D (2007) Diversity in everyday discourse: the cultural ambiguities and
consequences of happy talk. Am Sociol Rev 72(6):895–914
Berenstain N (2016) Epistemic exploitation. Ergo 3(22):569–590
Boler M (1999) Feeling power: emotions and education. Routledge, New York, NY
Bonilla-Silva E (2006) Racism without racists: Color-blind racism and the persistence of racial
inequality in the United States (2nd ed.). Oxford, England: Rowman & Littlefield
Burke MA (2014) Colorblindness vs. race-consciousness – an american ambivalence.
In: Hartmann D, Uggen C (eds) Color lines and racial angles. W.W. Norton, New York,
pp 165–176
Burke MA (2017) Colorblind racism: identities, ideologies, and shifting subjectivities.
Sociol Perspect 60(5):857–865
Collins PH (2006) From Black power to hip hop: racism, nationalism, and feminism.
Temple University Press, Philadelphia
Collins PH (2013) On intellectual activism. Temple University Press, Philadelphia, PA
Cooper G (2008) Tawhaki and Māui: critical literacy in indigenous epistemologies. Crit Lit Theor
Pract 2(1):37–42
Cooper G (2012) Kaupapa Māori research: epistemic wilderness as freedom? N Z J Educ Stud
47(2):64–73
Cooper B (2015) Black America’s hidden tax: why this feminist of color is going on strike. Salon.
Retrieved 10 Oct 2017 from https://www.salon.com/2015/02/25/black_americas_hidden_tax_
why_this_feminist_of_color_is_going_on_strike/
Davis A (1996) Gender, class, and multiculturalism: rethinking ‘race’ politics. In: Gordon AF,
Newfield C (eds) Mapping multiculturalism. University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, pp 40–48
Discussing Contemporary Racial Justice in Academic Spaces: Minimizing. . .
13
Deckert A (2014) Neo-colonial criminology: quantifying the silence. Afr J Crim Justice Stud
8:39–60
DiAngelo R (2011) White fragility. Int J Crit Pedagog 3(3):54–70
Dotson K (2011) Tracking epistemic violence, tracking practices of silencing.
Hypatia 26(2):236–257
Dotson K (2014) Conceptualizing epistemic oppression. Soc Epistemol 28(2):115–138
Finnegan AC (2013) The white girl’s burden. Context 12(1):30–35
Gans E (2007) White guilt, past and future. Anthropoetics 12(2):1–8
Goodman DJ (2011) Promoting diversity and social justice: educating people from privileged
groups. Routledge, New York
Iyer A, Leach CW, Crosby FJ (2003) White guilt and racial compensation: the benefits and limits
of self-focus. Personal Soc Psychol Bull 29(1):117–129
Kirabo S (2015) Want to help end systemic racism? First step: drop the white guilt.
Retrieved 31 Aug 2015 at http://thehumanist.com/commentary/want-to-help-end-systemic-rac
ism-first-step-drop-the-white-guilt
Kitossa T (2012) Criminology and colonialism: counter colonial criminology and the Canadian
context. J Pan Afr Stud 4:204–226
Ladner JA (1971) Tommorrow’s tommrrow. Doubleday and Company, Garden City
Loewen JW (2007) Lies my teacher told me. Touchstone, New York
Lorde A (1995) Age, race, class, and sex: women redefining difference. In: Beverly Guy-Sheftall
(ed) Words of Fire: An anthology of African-American feminist thought. The New Press, New
York, pp 284–292
Luft R E (2009) Intersectionality and the risk of flattening difference: gender and race logics, and
the strategic use of antiracist singularity. In: Berger M T, Guidroz K (eds) The Intersectional
Approach: Transforming the Academy Through Race, Class, & Gender The University of North
Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, NC, pp. 100–117
Lydacker JA, Hubbard RR, Tully CB, Utsey SO, Mezzeo SE (2014) White public regard:
associations among eating disorder symptomatology, guilt, and white guilt in young adult
women. Eat Behav 15:76–82
Maddison S (2011) Beyond white guilt: the real challenge for black-white relations in Australia.
Allen and Unwin, Australia
Mills C (1998) blackness visible: essays on philosophy and race. In: Ithaca. Cornell University
Press, London
Mohanty CT (2004) Feminism without borders: decolonizing theory, practicing solidarity.
Duke University Press, Durham
Morrison T (1975) A humanistic view. In: Public dialogue on the American Dream Them,
Part 2. Panel conducted by the Portland State Black Studies Center, Neville.
Murphy-Erby Y, Hunt V, Zajicek AM, Norris AN, Hamilton L (2009) Incorporating
intersectionality in social work research, education, policy, and practice. National Association
of Social Workers Press, Washington, DC
Nadan Y, Stark M (2016) The pedagogy of discomfort: enhancing reflectivity on stereotypes
and bias. Br J Soc Work 47(3):683–700
Norris AN (2017) Are we really colour-blind? The normalization of mass female incarceration.
Race Justice 1–25. https://doi.org/10.1177/2153368717718028
Pitcher B (2011) Radical subjects after hegemony. Subjectivity 4(1):87–102
Reilly K (2016) How guns on campus could change what texas teaches. Time, February 26.
Robertson DL (2015) Invisibility in the color-blind era: examining legitimized racism
against indigenous peoples. Am Indian Q 39:113–153
Smith L (2012) Decolonizing methodologies: research and indigenous peoples, 2nd edn.
University of Otago Press, Dunedin
Smith C (2017) Why James Baldwin’s ‘A talk to teacher’ Remains relevant 54 years later.
Wbur. Retrieved 9 Oct 2017 from http://www.wbur.org/hereandnow/2017/10/03/jamesbaldwin-talk-to-teachers
14
A. Norris
Smith CW, Mayorga-Gallo S (2017) The new principle-policy gap: how diversity ideology subverts
diversity initiatives. Sociol Perspect 60(5):889–911
Spanierman LB, Todd NR, Anderson CJ (2005) Psychosocial costs of racism to whites:
understanding patterns among university students. J Couns Psychol 56(2):239–252
St. Clair D, Kishimoto K (2010) Decolonizing teaching: a cross-curricular and collaborative
model for teaching about race in the university. Multicult Educ 18(1):18–24
Swim JK, Miller DL (1999) White guilt: its antecedents and consequences for attitudes
toward affirmative action. Personal Soc Psychol Bull 25(4):500–514
Todd NR, Abrams EM (2011) White dialectics: a new framework for theory, research, and
practice with white students. Couns Psychol 39(3):353–395
Vargas N (2014) Off white: colour-blind ideology at the margins of whiteness. Ethn Racial Stud
37(13):2281–2302
Woodson CG (1933) Mis-education of the Negro. Khalif Khalifah, Drewryville
Yeung JG, Spanierman LB, Landrum-Brown J (2013) Being white in a multicultural society: critical
whiteness pedagogy in a dialogue course. Journal of Diversity in Higher Education 6(1):17–32
Younge G (2015) White guilt won’t fix America’s race problem. Only justice and equality will.
The Guardian, August 31
Zajicek AM (2002) Race discourses and antiracist practices in local women’s movement.
Gend Soc 16(2):151–170